11 sept 2010

El-Haimoune

Title: El-Haimoune (Wanderers of the Desert)
Director: Nacer Khemir
Writer: Nacer Khemir
Year: 1986
Running time: 90 minutes
Country: Tunisia and France
Plot summary:
El-haimoune (Wanderers of the Desert) is the first in a trilogy of movies by director Nacer Khemir set in the expanse of the Tunisian desert. In fact, as he readily admits, ‘In all of my three movies, the desert is a character in itself.’
El-haimoune is a homage to Arab culture, albeit a culture of a bygone age, one that is more often found away from the big cities. Which is good news if you are viewing the movie for travel purposes. It offers a view of the Tunisian landscape that hasn’t been embellished with droids, landspeeders and Skywalkers.
The story tells of a young teacher travelling to a new job at a village school in the middle of nowhere. What happens after he arrives is a blend of myth and reality. People are drawn by an ancient curse to wander endlessly in the desert, a man spends 50 years digging for treasure, and a mysterious boat is washed up in the sand.
The film has been acclaimed and derided in equal part, but there is general consensus about one thing – the landscape. As one writer says, ‘Nacer Khemir has created a series of films that portray both the beauty and mystery of the deserts of Tunisia to astounding effect.’
Says Khemir, ‘There is a Tuareg proverb that says: “There are lands that are full of water for the well-being of the body, and lands that are full of sand for the well-being of the soul.” The desert is a literary field and a field of abstraction at the same time. It is one of the rare places where the infinitely small, that is a speck of sand, and the infinitely big, and that is billions of specks of sand, meet. It is also a place where one can have a true sense of the universe and of its scale.’
The shimmering, windswept sands of North Africa are used as a magical backdrop throughout the movie. Like the constantly shifting shape of the dunes, nothing is what it seems.
© Text by Roshan McArthur

9 sept 2010

The Shuar of Ecuador and Peru


Name: Shuar
Living area: Ecuador and Peru (South America)
Language: Shuar
First european contact: 16th century
Comments:   
Shuar, in the Shuar language, means "people". The people who speak the Shuar language live in tropical rainforest between the upper mountains of the Andes, and the tropical rainforests and savannas of the Amazonian lowlands, in Ecuador extending to Peru. Shuar live in various places: thus, the muraiya (hill) shuar are people who live in the foothills of the Andes; the achu (swamp-palm) shuar (or Achuar) are people who live in the wetter lowlands east of the Andes (Ecuador and Peru).
Shuar refer to Spanish-speakers as apach, and to non-Spanish/non-Shuar speakers as inkis. Europeans and European Americans used to refer to Shuar as jívaros or jíbaros; this word probably derives from the 16th century Spanish spelling of "shuar", but has taken other meanings including "savage" (and Shuar consider it an insult); outside of Ecuador, Jibaro has come to mean "rustic".
From the time of first contact with Europeans in the 16th century, to the formation of the Shuar Federation in the 1950s and 1960s, Shuar were semi-nomadic and lived in separate households dispersed in the rainforest, linked by the loosest of kin and political ties, and lacking corporate kin-groups or centralized or institutionalized political leadership. The center of Shuar life was a relatively autonomous household consisting of a man, his wives (usually two), unmarried sons, and daughters. Upon marriage sons would leave their natal household, and sons-in-law would move in. Men hunted and wove clothes; women gardened. Both men and women were involved in feuding warfare with other groups. When Shuar first made contact with Spaniards in the 16th century, they entered into peaceful trade relations. They violently resisted taxation, however, and drove Spaniards away in 1599. Colonization and missionization in the 20th century however have led Shuar to reorganize themselves into nucleated settlements called centros. Centros initially facilitated evangelization by Catholic missionaries but also became a means to defend Shuar land claims against those of non-indigenous settlers. In 1964 representatives of Shuar centros formed a political Federation to represent their interests to the state, non-governmental organizations, and transnational corporations.
Prior to missionization in the 1940s and 1950s Shuar culture functioned to organize and promote a warrior society. Boys of about eight years would be taken by their fathers or uncles on a three to five day journey to a nearby waterfall, during which time the boy would drink only tobacco water. At some point the child would be given maikua (Datura arborea, Solanaceae), in the hope that he would then see momentary visions, or arútam. These visions were produced by a wakaní or ancestral spirit. If the boy were brave enough he could touch the arútam, and acquire the arútam wakaní. This would make the boy very strong, and possession of several arútam wakaní would make the boy invincible. Shuar, however, believed that they could easily lose their arútam wakaní, and thus repeated this ritual several times. A Shuar warrior who had lived to kill many people was called a kakáram. Shuar believed that if a person in possession of an arútam wakaní died a peaceful death, they would give birth to a new wakaní; if someone in possession of an arútam wakaní were killed, they would give birth to a muísak.
Shuar generally do not believe in natural death, although they recognize that certain epidemics such as measles and scarlet fever are diseases introduced through contact with Europeans or Euro-Americans. They fought primarily with spears and shotguns, but — like many other groups in the region — also believed that they could be killed by tsentsak, invisible darts. Any unexplained death was attributed to such tsentsak. Although tsentsak are animate, they do not act on their own. Shamans (in Shuar, "Uwishin") are people who possess and control tsentsak. To possess tsentsak they must purchase them from other shamans; Shuar believe that the most powerful shamans are Quichua-speakers, who live to the north and east. To control tsentsak Shuar must ingest natem (Banisteriopsis caapi). Many Shuar believe that illness is caused when someone hires a shaman to shoot tsentsak into the body of an enemy. This attack occurs in secret and few if any shamans admit to doing this. If someone takes ill they may go to a shaman for diagnosis and treatment.

Well-known by: Shrunken heads.
Most known shrunken heads were manufactured either by indigenous peoples in Melanesia and the Amazon Basin, or by European or Euro-Americans attempting to recreate the practice. In Amazonia, the only people known to have shrunk human heads are the Shuar, Achuar, Huambisa and Aguaruna, collectively classified as the Jivaroan peoples of Ecuador and Peru. Among the Shuar, a shrunken head is known as a tsantsa, also transliterated tzantza.
The process of creating a shrunken head begins with removing the skull from the head. An incision is made on the back of the neck and all the skin and flesh is removed from the cranium. Red seeds are placed underneath the eyelids and the eyelids are sewn shut. The mouth is held together with three palm pins. Fat from the flesh of the head is removed. It is here that a wooden ball is placed in order to keep form. The flesh is then boiled in water that has been steeped with a number of herbs containing tannins. It is then dried with hot rocks and sand, while molding it to retain its human feature. The skin is then rubbed down with charcoal ash. Decorative beads are added to the head.
In the headshrinking tradition, it is believed that coating the skin in ash keeps the muisak, or avenging soul, from seeping out.
Shrunken heads are known for their mandibular prognathism, facial distortion and shrinkage of the lateral sides of the forehead; these are artifacts of the shrinking process.
Among the Shuar and Achuar, the reduction of the heads was followed by a series of feasts centered on important rituals. The practice of preparing shrunken heads originally had religious significance; shrinking the head of an enemy was believed to harness the spirit of that enemy and compel him to serve the shrinker. It was said to prevent the soul from avenging his death.
Shuar believed in the existence of three fundamental spirits:
  • Wakani - innate to humans thus surviving their death.
  • Arutam - literally "vision" or "power", protects humans from a violent death.
  • Muisak - vengeful spirit, which surfaces when an arutam spirit-carrying person is murdered.
To block the last spirit from using its powers, they decided to sever their enemies' heads and shrink them. The process also served as a way of warning those enemies. Even with these uses, the owner of the trophy did not keep it for long. Many heads were later used in religious ceremonies and feasts that celebrated the victories of the tribe. Accounts vary as to whether the heads would be discarded or stored.
At first, cultural restrictions meant that deaths from traditional conflict were relatively rare,[citation needed] and few shrunken heads were prepared. When westerners created an economic demand for shrunken heads, however, there was a sharp increase in the rate of killings in an effort to supply collectors and tourists. Guns were usually what the Shuar acquired in exchange for their shrunken heads, the rate being one gun per head. But weapons were not the only items exchanged; during the 1930s, when heads were freely exchanged, a person could buy a shrunken head for about twenty-five dollars. A stop was put to this when the Peruvian and Ecuadorian governments worked together to outlaw the traffic in heads.
Also encouraged by this trade, as early as the 1870s people in Colombia, Panama, and Ecuador unconnected to the Jívaros began to make counterfeit tsantsas. They used corpses from morgues, or the heads of monkeys or sloths. Some even used goatskin. It has been estimated that about 80 percent of the tsantsas in private and museum hands are fraudulent, including almost all that are female or which include an entire torso rather than just a head. Currently, replica shrunken heads are manufactured as curios for the tourist trade. These are made from leather and animal hides formed to resemble the originals.
Some words in their language:   
hello: pujamek
my name is ___: wiña naárka ___ aiti
yes: eé
no: atsa
goodbye: ayu, pujumata, weajai

© Text by Wikipedia, image by Pitt Rivers Museum

7 sept 2010

Amsterdam Tribal Art Fair 2010

Name: Amsterdam Tribal Art Fair 2010
Date and opening times:   28 October 18.00 - 20.00
29 October until 31 October 11.00 - 18.00
Opening 28 October, 15.00 - 18:00 (on invitation only)
Admission: € 5
Place: De Duif, Prinsengracht 756, Amsterdam (Nederlands)
Comments:
Over 2000 exclusive objects from Oceania, Africa, Indonesia, China, Japan, Tibet and Laos, will come together at what is TAF Amsterdam 2010. The exhibition comprises jewellery and sculptures, but also textiles, masks, implements and furniture. Special pieces from far-away countries. In the last weekend of October they are to be seen and purchased in Amsterdam, at the eight edition of TAF Amsterdam.
Participants 2010:
  • African tribal Art Gallery de Ruyter-Van Santen, Katlijk
  • Art concern, Baarn
  • Astamangala, Amsterdam
  • Ben Hunter, London
  • Etnographic Art Books, Leiden
  • Frans Faber, Amsterdam
  • Galerij Daroun, Antwerp
  • Galerie Dogon, Berlin
  • Galerie Grégory Chesne, Lyon
  • Galerie Lemaire, Amsterdam
  • Galerie Hoogenbosch, Gorredijk
  • Galerie Willem Zwiep, Amsterdam
  • Karavanserai, Maastricht
  • Kauri New Guinea Art, Wormerveer
  • Michael Evans Tribal Art, Dijon
  • Mikael Jaspers, Nij Beets
  • Tribal Design, Amsterdam
  • Tribal Gathering, London
  • Salon, Eindhoven
  • A4 Magazin
  • Tribal Art Magazine

5 sept 2010

The Kalyady Tsars

The Kalyady Tsars (Christmas Tsars) is a ritual and festive event celebrated in the village of Semezhava in the Minsk region of Belarus. Typical Belarusian New Year celebrations take place according to the ‘old’ Julian style calendar and are combined with distinctive local performing arts. About 500 men participate annually in the event, of which seven are chosen to play the roles of ‘Kalyady Tsars’ in the national historical-religious drama ‘Tsar Maximilian’. Additional comic characters of the dzad (old man) and baba (old lady), played by a young girl and boy respectively, interact with the audience. During the drama, ‘tsars’ visit the local houses of unmarried girls to give comic performances and receive good wishes and awards. The procession continues into the night, lit by torchlight. The incorporation of dramatic allusions to aspects of modern life as well as to ethnic communities, groups and individuals has established the drama as a vivid example of cultural diversity. At present, the ceremony, although popular with older residents, is diminishing in popularity with the younger generation. This may result in a gap in transmission of knowledge regarding the production of costumes, instruments, interior decorations and particular dishes associated with the event – intangible heritage that may not outlast the present generation of residents.
Inscribed in 2009 on the The List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding
©  Photo by Vyacheslau Kalatsey/Belarusian State University of Culture and Arts / Text by UNESCO

3 sept 2010

Southern Sudan webpage at Pitt Rivers Museum

Recovering the Material and Visual Cultures of the Southern Sudan: A Museological Resource
Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford provides through its specific website, phiotos and information about Southern Sudan.
This website provides access to a detailed catalogue of the collections from Southern Sudan held at the Pitt Rivers Museum, the University of Oxford's museum of anthropology and world archaeology. The Museum's holdings from Southern Sudan comprise more than 1300 artefacts and 5000 photographs. Together, the artefacts and photographs provide a major resource for studying the cultural and visual history of the region. The site also provides a map; annotated lists of cultural groups, collectors, photographers, and people portrayed in the photographs; and a set of further resources (relevant literature, websites, and a site bibliography).
For example, this magnificent Zande jar of pottery collected from Sudan by Harold Alfred MacMichael in 1931.
The comments are no less than comprehensive:


©Pitt-Rivers Museum
Anthropomorphic jar, hand made from a moderately well levigated clay with small to large gold-coloured mica inclusions, slipped and burnished on the outside, and fired an orangey brown colour (Pantone 7525C) with mottled black areas (Pantone black 7C). Slight horizontal ridging up the vessel sides suggests that it may have been coil built.
The jar is circular in plan view. The top of the vessel has been modelled in the shape of a female head, with a small oval opening cut into the back. This area is curved, and modelled to represent a braided hairstyle, divided into a number of segments that, unlike the hair on 1950.12.118, follow the shape of the head and do not rise as convex bunches above it. The central part of the hair takes the form of a narrow strip that runs from the forehead to the base of the hair, and is recessed, its surface decorated with parallel incised grooves down the length. The rest of the hair is arranged in rows on either side and at right angle to this. Each row ends in a raised triangular peak where it reaches the centre, and is decorated with double rows of angular impressed marks down each parting, and a single row of similar marks down the middle of each section, flanked by oblique hatching running down in opposing directions on either side. A narrow band made up of 3 incised grooves runs along the front edge of the hair, framing the face. A similar band defines the back edge, with 3 curving rows of angular impressions, a row of impressed circular depressions, or dots, then a final row of angular marks below; there are incised lines between each of these rows. The hair is further decorated with rows of painted cream coloured dots (Pantone 7507C), that run down the centre of each bunch, at the tip of each peak, as lines or dots across the vertical central section, framing the edges of the oval hole, and along the bands that frame front and back edges. Some dots appear to have flaked away.
The face is shaped using a combination of plastic modelling, incision and impression. Modelled sections include the ears, which show detailed working of the interior, undercut brows, eyes in the form of raised lentoid-shaped area with a convex surface, a long nose with fleshy base and deep circular nostrils, a shallow groove that runs down to a slightly pouting mouth that stands out from the surface of the face and a broad, slightly cleft chin. Incised lines are used to further define the eyes and mouth, and to mark the eyebrows, which take the form of two parallel lines with faint impressed marks running between. An incised line runs vertically down the centre of the forehead, and stops at the top of the nose; this has circular impressions at its upper and lower ends. Other incised lines are used to mark facial scarring, which consists of various linear motifs: a block of 4 vertical lines with double horizontal lines at their base extending down from the base of each eye over the cheeks; a rectangle with 1 to 2 horizontal bars across the centre near the corners of the mouth, in line with the cheek bars, and on the outer edges of each cheek, a group of 3 triangles, meeting at their corners in the centre, filled with crosshatching on one side, and simpler hatching on the other. The head sits on top of a long neck that flares out to its base. This is decorated around the middle with a band made of two horizontal rows of impressed squares with a single row of dots between. There are traces of cream coloured pigment in some of the impressions, but the intended pattern of this added paint is not clear. A raised, slightly concave collar has been added around the base of the neck and decorated with impressed squares at top and bottom, and incised hatching between, that turns into crosshatching for a short section around the back of the jar.

Below this is a globular body, with its maximum diameter just above the centre, and convex sides that flare down and in to a narrow flat base. A broad flat collar has been added to the top, and stands out slightly from the rest of the body. This has been decorated with a row of cream painted dots, partially lost; a band of square impressed marks; a band of incised crosshatching; 2 rows of impressed squares with a row of dots between; a second crosshatched band then a final row of impressed squares, with the edge of the collar left undecorated. The rest of the body is divided into a series of broad bands alternating with undecorated areas. One such plain area begins the sequence, then there is a broad crosshatched band, framed above and below by 2 narrower bands of square impressed marks with a row of dots between; a gap, two further narrow square/dot bands framing a broader section filled with loose crosshatching, this time produced using the angular edged tool so that each line is formed from a row of interrupted impressions. Below this is another gap, a single row of impressed squares, a gap, then a band of the wide angular crosshatching with a square and dot band as its bottom frame. A further narrow undecorated band follows, another square and dot band and then a final section of this loose crosshatching. Finally, the flat underside of the jar is decorated with a central dot, surrounded by 6 further dots, then a series of square impressed spokes radiating out from this to the outside edge of the base, where a circle of similar marks forms a frame.
The decoration has therefore been added using at least 4 tool types. One has a sharp point and can create incised lines and grooves. The second has an angular leading edge that produces either square or wedge-shaped impressions. The third creates larger, circular depressions, and the fourth has been used to apply blobs of pigment to the surface.
The jar is nearly complete, but has some minor surface damage, consisting of wear to the surface of the right ear and part of the hair, one of the triangular hair peaks has broken off at its tip, and the surface of the base has worn away in patches. The vessel is otherwise in good condition. It has a weight of approximately 2900 grams and a height of 354 mm; the top of the head measures 95.5 mm across; the shoulder has a width of 242 mm and the base is 95 mm in diameter.
Collected by Harold Alfred MacMichael in 1931, when he was Civil Secretary for the Sudanese Administration. MacMichael does not record its local name, but says that it was used as a water vessel; Larken also recorded that long-necked jars, sometimes decorated with heads, were used for washing the face and hands
(P.M. Larken, 1927, "Impressions of the Azande", Sudan Notes and Records X, p. 131 ). Similar vessels were collected by Powell-Cotton at Tambura and Li Rangu and later donated to the British Museum; see 1934.3-8.27, a water vessel in the form of a female figure, and 1931.4-11.3, another female headed jar. Both were made by the male potter Mbitim (see N. Barley, Smashing Pots, fig. on p. 145 and J.C.H. King (ed.), 2000, Human Image ). These seem to be identical in style to our example - with elements such as the raised strips and roundels, the impressed designs and the shape of facial features making it probable that Mbitim was also the potter of the Pitt Rivers example. For other vessels in the museum that may have been produced by Mbitim, see anthropomorphic jars 1934.8.134, 1950.12.118, bowls 1930.86.43-44, 1931.66.2-3, and book ends 1934.8.135 and 1996.53.1. Powell-Cotton had visited Mbitim's workshop on April 28th 1933, collecting raw samples of clay, some of his tools (see 1934.8.132) and finished examples of his work. He also filmed him in action (see Mrs Powell Cotton, "Village Handicrafts in the Sudan", Man 34 (112), pp 90-91). By this period, Li Rangu had developed as a centre for foreign contact in the region (N. Barley, 1994, Smashing Pots, p. 144).
The mica inclusions noted in the clay of this example seem to be a characteristic of Zande pottery; mica occurs naturally in beds throughout the region, known as hilidiwe, meaning 'slough of the moon' (P.M. Larken, 1926, "An Account of the Zande", Sudan Notes and Records IX no. 1, p. 4). Schweinfurth noted the presence of mica in both Bongo and Zande pottery, which he suggested made their wares very brittle. He believed this mix to be naturally occurring and that potters did not know how to remove it from their fabrics: "... [Zande potters] have no idea of the method of giving their clay a proper consistency by washing out the particles of mica and by adding a small quantity of sand" (G. Schweinfurth, 1873, In the Heart of Africa Volume I, p. 292; Volume II, p. 25). This mica may well have been left in the clay deliberately, as it gives the vessels an attractive sparkle, and does not seem to have impaired the plasticity of the material, as the detailed modelling of several of these vessels demonstrates. According to Larken, clay was usually found on the banks of a stream, and prepared by pounding it in a mortar before shaping it by hand. Tools were limited to pieces of gourd or a rounded pebble for smoothing, while decoration was applied by something simple, such as a short stick bound with cord. He describes the firing and finishing as follows: "When dry, pots are turned upside down and baked in the open, only certain kinds of wood being suitable for the fire. While still red-hot, they are splashed with water in which bark of the ndili tree has been soaked, in order to blacken them. A black polish is sometimes given to the smooth surfaces, by means of graphite grains, which are mixed with water and a little powdered ironstone, painted on the clay and gently but continually rubbed into it with a polishing-pebble before the pot is fired". The resulting vessel is not very strong, and only slightly porous, if at all; broad leaves may be used for a lid, if required (P.M. Larken, 1927, "Impressions of the Azande", Sudan Notes and Records X, pp 129-131). According to Evans-Pritchard, all Zande potters were male (Evans-Pritchard 1971, The Azande, p. 95).
The head on this vessel shows facial scarring. According to Larken, while Zande men and women both practised cicatrisation, 'the face is usually not touched, except where an individual has come into contact with Arabs and copied their habit in this direction (P.M. Larken, 1926, "An Account of the Zande",
Sudan Notes and Records IX no. 1, p. 31)'. This practice may have become more widespread since Larken's time, however, as most of the modelled human figures made by Mbitim (1996.53.1, 1934.8.133-135, 1950.12.117, 1928.67.4), or Zande woodcarvers (1928.67.4, 1932.30.14-15) are depicted with this kind of facial scarring.
This vessel is currently on display in the Lower Gallery, Case 132B.
©Rachael Sparks 24/8/2005.
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